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"Left-wing" redirects here. For the term used in sports, see winger (sport).
"Leftism" redirects here. For the album of the band Leftfield, see Leftism (album).
In politics, left-wing, leftist, and the Left are terms applied to various political positions associated with progressive causes. The term has had different meanings in different countries and time periods. Originally, during the French Revolution, left-wing referred to seating arrangements in parliament; those who sat on the left opposed the monarchy and supported radical reform. Later, the term became associated with socialism, communism, anarchism and social liberalism. Today, in most of Europe, the Left refers to socialist parties, while in the United States, the Left usually refers to modern liberalism.[1]
Origins and history of the term
In relation to politics, the term left wing originates from the French Revolution, when radical Montagnard deputies from the Third Estate generally sat to the left of the president's chair, a habit which began in the Estates General of 1789. The moderate Feuillants generally sat to the right. It is still the tradition in the French Assemblée Nationale for the representatives to be seated left-to-right (relative to the Assemblée president) according to their political alignment. In some European countries classical liberals were labelled as 'left' before Marxist ideas came to define the left. In the case of Denmark and Norway the historical liberal parties still carry the name Venstre (literally meaning 'Left') even though they are now considered to be right-wing. A similar phenomenon exists in France, where it is known as sinistrisme. From mid-19th century, 'left' would increasingly refer to various forms of socialism and communism. Particularly influential was the publication of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1848, which asserted that the history of all hitherto existing human society is the history of class struggle. It predicted that a proletarian revolution would eventually overthrow bourgeois society, and by abolishing private property create a classless and stateless and post-monetary society. In the International Workingmen's Association (1864-76), sometimes called the First International, delegates from many different countries, and from many different left-wing political groups and trade union organizations, met together. The Second International (1888-1916) was eventually divided by the question of supporting or opposing the First World War. Those who opposed the war, such as Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg, saw themselves as further to the left (see Zimmerwald Left). Out of this conflict the socialist movement divided into Social Democrats and Communists, the latter being seen as further to the Left. In the 1960s with the political upheavals of the Sino-Soviet split and May 1968 in France, thinkers of the 'New Left' viewed themselves as being more critical of Marxist and Marxist-Leninist discourse (labelled the 'Old Left'). Left-libertarian Roderick Long defines what it means to be "left wing" in this manner:
DefinitionsIn terms of politics, the terms left, right and centre are contextual terms, relative to the political situation of individual countries and regions. In contemporary Western political discourse, the Left is most often used to describe forms of socialism, communism or social liberalism. Leszek Kołakowski defines the left in abstract terms as being utopian and ideological.[3]. Center left is a term used to describe a political position that is close to the center of the political mainstream in a particular country. In several European countries, it is a term used for alliances that encompass both leftist and centrist elements. In France, differentiation is generally made between the left (Socialists and Communists) and the far left (Trotskyists, Maoists, Anarchists).[4] The Chinese New Left denotes a tendency which opposes economic reforms and in favours of the restoration of socialist policies along Maoist lines.[5] In the western context, New Left refers to cultural politics, sometimes referred to as identity politics. Ultra-left refer to a various far left ideologies. The term hard left has been associated with politics of Tony Benn and the Campaign Group and Labour Briefing[6], as well as Trotskyist groups such as the Militant Tendency and Socialist Organiser. The hard left is strongly influenced by Marxism, while the soft left has a more gradualist approach to building socialism. PositionsEconomicsSome on the left believe in Marxian economics, which refers to a body of economic thought stemming from the work of Karl Marx. Adherents of Marxian economics sometimes distinguish it from his political philosophy, arguing that Marx's approach to understanding the economy is intellectually independent of his advocacy of revolutionary socialism or the inevitability of proletarian revolution.[7][8] It does not lean entirely upon the work of Marx and other widely known Marxists (Lenin, Trotsky, etc.), but may draw from a range of Marxist and non-Marxist sources. Although specific means are not agreed upon by different left-wing groups, almost all agree that some form of government or social intervention in the economy is necessary, ranging from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy and the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning.[9] During the industrial revolution the left became associated with trade union movements. More recently, the left has criticized what it perceives as the exploitative nature of globalization, e.g. the rise of what the left calls sweatshops, the "race to the bottom" and unjust lay-off's. Marx defines the proletariat as salaried workers, in contrast to the lumpen proletariat, who he defined as the poorest and outcasts of society, such as beggars, tricksters, entertainers, buskers, criminals and prostitutes.[10]. The political relevance of farmers has divided the left. In Das Kapital, Karl Marx scarcely mentioned the subject.[11] National questionThe question of nationality and nationalism have been central features of political debates on the left. The Marxist social class theory of proletarian internationalism asserts that members of the working class should act in solidarity with working people in other countries due to common class interest, rather than only focusing on their own countries. Proletarian internationalism is summed up in the slogan, "Workers of all countries, unite!", the last line of The Communist Manifesto. Union members learned that more members meant more bargaining power, and taken to an international level, leftists argued that workers ought to act in solidarity to further increase the power of the working class. Proletarian internationalism saw itself as a deterrent against war, because people with a common interest are less likely to take up arms against one another, instead focusing on fighting the ruling class. According to Marxist theory, the antonym of proletarian internationalism is bourgeois nationalism. Left-wing movements therefore have often taken up anti-imperialist positions. On the other hand, there are strong elements of left-wing nationalism, political tendencies which some link to the pressure generated by economic integration with other countries encouraged by free-trade agreements. This view is sometimes used to justify hostility towards supranational organizations such as the European Union. Left-wing nationalism can also refer to any nationalism emphasizing a working-class populist agenda attempting to overcome perceived exploitation or oppression by other nations. Many Third World anti-colonial movements adopted left-wing and socialist ideas. Anti-globalizationThe Global Justice Movement, also known as the anti-globalisation or alter-globalization movement, protests against global trade agreements and the negative consequences they perceive them to have for the poor and the environment. This movement is generally characterised as left-wing, though some activists within it reject association with the traditional left. There are also those on the right, Pat Buchanan for example, who oppose globalization on nationalistic grounds. The Global Justice Movement does not oppose globalisation per se, on the contrary, it supports some forms of internationalism). The main themes of the movement are the reforms of international institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and the creation of an international social justice movement. It rejects the leadership of any political party, defining itself as a "movement of movements." Institutions
The Leninist branch of Marxism argues that a proletarian revolution must be led by a vanguard of professional revolutionaries, men and women who are fully dedicated to the communist cause and who form the nucleus of the communist revolutionary movement. The dictatorship of the proletariat or workers' state are terms used by Marxists to describe what they see as a temporary state between the capitalist and communist society. Left-wing internationals include dozens of historic and current organizations such as the First International, the Second International, or the Socialist International, World Socialist Movement, and the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, and the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (Unity & Struggle). Feminism
Early feminists and advocates of women's rights were closely connected to positions that were politically radical and left-wing. Feminist pioneers like Mary Wollstonecraft were influenced by politically radical thinkers like Thomas Paine and John Stewart Mill. Many notable leftists have been feminists, such as: Marxists Clara Zetkin and Alexandra Kollontai, Communist Helen Keller, anarchist Emma Goldman and Annie Besant, who was involved in various socialist groups. When contemporary feminism emerged with the women's liberation movement, it was closely connected to the New Left and other new social movements that challenged the orthodoxies of the Old Left. Some feminism currents were closer to the left than others. Socialist feminism (e.g.Freedom Socialist Party, Radical Women) and Marxist feminism (e.g. Selma James) saw themselves as very much within the left, even as they challenged its male-dominated and sexist structures. Liberal feminism is closely related to left-liberalism, the left-wing side of mainstream American politics. (e.g. the National Organization for Women). Radical feminism (e.g. Mary Daly) is harder to place on a left-right spectrum; it has more in common with currents like deep ecology, which rejects this axis. Social progressivismSocial progressivism is another common feature of the left particularly in the United States, where social progressives advocated the abolition of slavery, Women's suffrage, civil rights reforms and the rise of multiculturalism. Different groups of Progressives advocated the passage of prohibition and later worked towards its repeal. Current positions associated with social progressivism in the West include legal recognition of same-sex marriage, distribution of contraceptives, public funding of embryonic stem-cell research, and federally funded abortion on demand. Public education is a subject of great interest to social progressives, who support comprehensive sex education in public schools and the distribution of condoms to high school students, but are strongly opposed to school prayer, school vouchers. Most are opposed to faith-based initiatives and the death penalty. Social progressives tend to be secularists, and believe that science and rationalism have rendered traditional beliefs to be obsolete. Thus, all current interpersonal social constructs, such as marriage, the family, monogamy and gender roles and gender identity, must be legally challenged whenever such a change is deemed to be for the greater good of society or is desired by those who wish to engage a social arrangement not currently sanctioned by law. Social progressives are opposed by social conservatives who contend that radical changes to long standing traditional institutions, particularly when imposed by a court system, are undemocratic, destabilizing to society and potentially may entail reverse discrimination against religious believers. However, in some cases social progressives have combined progressive values with right-wing neoliberalism. In Canada the former federal Progressive Conservative Party often combined a social progressive agenda with a right-wing economic agenda, such as Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's advocation of action on environmental issues, such as acid rain, and support of multiculturalism, while advocating a neoliberal economic agenda. Third-worldismThird-worldism is the tendency within left wing thought to regard the inequality between developed, or First World countries, and the developing, or "Third World" countries as of primary political importance. Third-worldism therefore supports national liberation movements against imperialism by capitalist nations. The thought behind this view is that advanced capitalism is imperialism, and the left ought therefore to resist the predations of capitalist countries upon other less economically developed countries. Key figures in the Third Worldist movement include Frantz Fanon, Ahmed Ben Bella, Andre Gunder Frank, Samir Amin and Simon Malley. Among the New Left groups associated with Third Worldism were Monthly Review and the New Communist Movement. Third worldism is also closely connected with Pan-Africanism, Pan-Arabism, Maoism, African socialism and Latin American socialist trends. The Palestine Liberation Organization and the Sandinistas are or have been particular causes célèbres. Some left-wing groups in the developing world, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico, the Abahlali baseMjondolo in South Africa, and the Naxalites in India, argue that the First-World left takes a racist paternalistic attitude towards liberation movements in the Third-World. There is particular criticism of the role played by NGOs and the assumption by the Western Anti-globalization movement that it has an automatic right to instruct liberation movements in the South. Post-modernismLeft-wing postmodernism reject attempts at universal explanatory theories such as Marxism, deriding them as grand narratives. They argue for an embrace of culture as the battle grounds for change, rejecting traditional ways of organising such as political parties and trade unions, focusing instead on critiquing or deconstruction. Left-wing critics of post-modernism assert that cultural studies courses inflate the importance of culture through denying the existence of an independent reality.[12][13] The most famous critique of post-modernism from within the left came in the form of a 1996 prank by physicist and self-described leftist Alan Sokal. Concerned about what he saw as the increasing prevalence on the left of "a particular kind of nonsense and sloppy thinking... that denies the existence of objective realities, or... downplays their practical relevance...", in which a mix of mis-stated and mis-used terms from physics are used to support the claim that physical reality does not objectively exist, but is psychologically and politically constructed.[14] Sokal composed a nonsensical article entitled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Toward a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity",[15] The journal Social Text published the paper in its Spring/Summer 1996 issue, whereupon Sokal publicly revealed his hoax. While Sokal was interpreted as attacking leftism, he intended it as a critique from within:
Gary Jason claims that "the failure of socialism, both empirically and theoretically... brought about a crisis of faith among socialists, and Post-modernism is their response."[16] See alsoReferences and notes
Bibliography
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